History and Demographics of Myanmar

History and Demographics of MyanmarIntroductionMyanmar (Burma re sh issue outd Myanmar in 1989) has never seen sustained conflict-free periods since its independence in 1948. The armed dish ups has ruled the rural area since 1962. In 1988, pro- re mankind protests were crushed. In 1990, free and light subject area elections were held in Myanmar for the first time in 30 years. The internal League for Democracy, the principal(prenominal) semipolitical movement led by Mrs Aung San Suu Kyi (1991 Nobel Peace appraise laureate), won 62% of the votes and 82% of the seats in elections.1 While the purpose of these elections was never made fully clear (either to piss a Constituent conclave or a legislative Parliament), the military authorities reconsolidated to honour the emergence. Since then, the senior political leaders and the army meet remained the beneficiaries of the countrys self and externally imposed isolation. The commonwealth continues to live to a lower place poli tical oppression, aggravated by economic difficulties. Detentions, intimidation and political oppression of activists are common place.In 2003, the military g everywherenment activity presented a s heretofore-step roadmap for constitutional and political reform towards a disciplined democracy. The first face of this roadmap was launched in 2004, with the reconvening of the National crowd to deliberate on basic principles for a recent Constitution. Then in December 2007, the process of drafting a Constitution, based on those basic principles, began.2 Unlike other political groups invited, the NLD ref utilize to take part in the process. Although these first steps might indicate progress, the roadmap has grapple on a lower floor criticism for cosmos non-inclusive and lacking credibility. The economic situation stays highly problematic and potentially de-stabilising. The sorry data quality and indefinite political relations statistics, which point to double-digit economic grow th, are highly misleading to outside observers and attempt to obscure the countrys dire humanitarian situation. Because of political constraints, donor assistance levels to Myanmar remain grossly insufficient to cover the needs of the general population.In mid-August 2007, as a result of the dismal economic situation, pathway demonstrations were sparked over a sudden increase in fuel prices. The demonstrations grew into a nation-wide protest against the regimes policies. The Myanmar Sangha an influential institution in society showed overwhelming support for the protests. The disposal responded with a violent crack go across on the peaceful protests. This crackdown was condemned by the global community, which consequently re bare-asseded its pressure level on the regime for political reform. As a result the European Union extended their existing sanctions on Myanmar in November 2007.Thus far, European sanctions do not seem to come pushed the government in the coveted directi on, and they may even have produced counterproductive effects. These include a hardened stance by the government, negative impact on Myanmar civil society and an undermining of the miserliness at large. Its very much said that sanctions are, in and of themselves, a form of violence, employed as a political tool used for rhetoric rather that to create meaningful change. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether Myanmars progress towards a functional democracy would be accelerated by the absence of economic sanctions.The military government adheres to its Roadmap to disciplined democracy, which put forward best be described as a fully controlled, slow transition to semi- civil rule. This proceeds at the pace conducive to the generals in charge, protecting their interests and by and large disregarding external criticism or pressure. In the governments point of view, westward sanctions are a hostile reaction towards its declared intention for a (controlled) transition. Since the SPDC chiffonier rely on sources of income outside the purview of sanctions (energy, commodities, etc.) it is hard to imagine that the regime will deviate from its declared goals as a reaction to sanctions or Western pressure.While experts often argue that economic sanctions have no impact on a targeted country, this report seeks to provide evidence of sanctions utilize against Myanmar that have an economic, friendly and the political impact. For supporting this thesis the focus will be on the restrictive measures imposed by the European Union. It reviews the European Unions existing policies supporting Myanmar to rifle a peaceful, parliamentary and prosperous country. Moreover, it will show that it is not enough to wait for a political breakthrough. Evidence suggests all sides, including the external community should have the courage to move away from these fix positions and try a different approach.After having given the necessary background and having shown why restrictive measu res are applied by western communities, this report will provide recommendations for a different approach towards democracy in Myanmar.1. BackgroundIn June 1989, the ruling military military junta changed its name from Union of Burma to Myanmar, one year after the brutally suppressing of pro-democracy protests, where thousands were killed. The military junta claimed this name would be more than neutral for a state of a huge pagan diversity. Thus it would lead to greater harmony among the countrys desperate bulk and provide them a feeling of release from their British colonial past. The capitals name was also changed from Rangoon to Yangon.3 The new name was accepted by intimately countries, including the United Nations, as a privilege of the Burmese government in power, but was not accepted by the United put ups.4 Both terms are commonly used, with some people referring to the country as Burma and others referring to it as Myanmar. The same is also true(p) for Rangoon most pe ople are more familiar with this name than Yangon.Myanmar is the largest country in Southeast Asia and in m each ways a country define by its geography, isolated and yet with a wealth of opportunities to work with its neighbouring countries. The country b methodicalnesss China, India, Bangladesh, Laos and Thailand. Much of the country is the valley of the Irrawaddy River, which runs north to south, from the icy eastern curve of the Himalayas down over a thousand miles to the brackish tidal waters of the Andaman Sea.5To better understand modern Myanmar and the reasons behind its self-imposed isolation, their needs to be a greater focus on historical context. The inherent complexity of the issues involved is easier to understand if the various historical forces are analysed separately. The different strands of history, described below, will finally come together and shape the present and show that current issues which today concern the state are mainly rooted in the countrys complex and often dubious institutions and history. Indeed, it can be argued that the countrys current situation is a result of often well-meaning but definitely foolhardy attempts to apply common political measures to a fragile system of sociable imperative. Nationalism, socialism, and autarky, as well as federalism, autonomy and centralisation, are systems that have been used by political rulers in post-colonial Myanmar.61.1 Colonial PastMyanmar was relatively distinct, coherent, and autonomous for almost 1,000 years before the British annexed the country in the 19th century.7 The first Burmese empire was founded in the 11th century. Many communities which lived in remote places were rarely brought under central domination, but remained relatively distinct from each other in matters such as language, culture, patterns of production, and political traditions.8 Burman kings built glorious capitals like Pagan and Mandalay and ruled over a rich and thriving civilisation. Moreover, they bene fited from an increasing population and revenues, providing epochal military and economic advantages over neighbouring polities. Several wars in the eighteenth century led to territorial expansion, which further strengthened the Burmese state and created a typical Burmese cultural identity. At the same time, the growth of external trade, both with China and the western world provided further revenues.But the era of Burman kingdoms could not conclusion forever and ended in 1885 when the British deposed the last King Thibaw in Mandalay and made Burma a province of British India. With the invasion of the British, new powerful political concepts and models for later leaders were introduced.9 The British annexed Burma in 1886 and divided the country into two main administrative areas Ministerial Burma, which was mainly populated by the Burman majority, and the Frontier area.10The British wanted to establish law and order through a low cost central administration. They infrangibled th eir economic interest by rationalisation and commercialisation of agriculture. The British origin did provide certain stability, by unifying diverse indigenous cultural groups under colonial rule. Nevertheless, the British colonial system significantly changed and alter the Burmese social structure.The precolonial social organisation largely rested on the authority of local chieftains and Buddhists monks. Buddhism as the common faith shared among the Burman majority, the Arakanese and most Shan and Karen people, was the main source of social stability as this faith emphasises self-reliance and righteous behaviour. Moreover, education was offered by monks to all.11With the British occupation, authority of local chieftains was replaced by weak regularize of salaried officials, who were more responsible to local government rather than to the local communities.12The influence of the monks was weakened and they were soon deprived of their main social function. In order to protect the interests of minorities, the British assigned them some key functions which the Burmans, the dominant ethnic group, could not participate. For example, the British mainly recruited Karens, Kachins and Chins in the colonial army and administration, whereas the Burman were kept out of such activities. According to Josef Silverstein, minority groups sprightliness on the frontiers were administered directly by the central British administration. They were separated from the rest of the country, and those living in Ministerial Burma were granted seats in the legislature.13 Thus, ethnic minority groups were divided along occupational lines.14 Moreover, the British displaced indigenous and non-indigenous to the South in the fertile delta region. Deprived of their traditional social structure, those newly established cultivators fully adopted the imported rule of law, tenancy rights and money lending practices. These British policies made the Burmese people conscious of their ethnic and cultural differences for the first time. This led to social division that had not existed in the pre-colonial period.15With the British annexation of Burma the structures of foreign trade changed, as well. The Burmese economy under the informal empire had become dangerously dependent on the merchandise of view primary commodities -cotton and teak in particular. At the same time, rice was being imported in ever larger quantities, and soon Burma became the worlds largest rice exporter. However, as a consequence, an exodus of landless farmers in 1930 led to competition between ethnic groups and violent intra-communal riots.The world depressions of the 1870s led to a dramatic decline in the relative prices of nearly all primary commodities, including all of Burmas main exports. But nevertheless, international rice prices stayed the same or even rose. Thus, at this time of attempted reform, in contrast to Siam (Thailand) which enjoyed the profits of growing international trade, Burma wa s plunged into increasing economic badness and fiscal collapse.16Efforts to promote economic development failed as the state lost its autonomy to colonial powers and the economy became more fully integrated into global markets. local anaesthetic reactions to European expansion lead to crisis and intervention. The failure of British rule in Burma, instability and state insolvency were caused largely due to underpayment by Western countries for goods and services. The rise and determine of cotton prices and, more generally, dependence on western markets, weakened the Burmese government, desperate to find the funds with which to finance reform.17 This demonstrates that these conditions created an opportunity for Western nations to dominate the country, in the end leading to British colonial rule.Following the British withdrawal, the Japanese occupied Burma in summer 1942. But throughout their quaternary years of control over Burma during the Pacific war, the Japanese did not succe ed in bringing the Burmese population under their rule, nor could they manage to lessen the external menace of ally forces. To secure their position they promised to bring independence to Burma and support an indigenous army. By not following through on their promises, the Japanese precipitated the emergence Burmese nationalists, who consequently allied with the British. In March 1945, the Anti-Fascist Peoples Freedom League was formed.Aung San, Chief of this Burmese army, became the head of the Anti-Fascist Peoples Freedom League. The AFPFL was first a resistance movement founded on Buddhist philosophy and open to all Burmese regardless their ethnic background, their political or religious beliefs. It later became a leading political party calling for national unity and federalism. During this transitional period to democracy, a Burmese government was created to handle administrative matters.18After the Japanese occupation ended in August 1945, the Burmese feared a regression to the British colonial economic order. Strikes and negotiations led in January 1947 to a meeting in London. There it was decided that a constituent group should be elected in April, and those living in Frontier Areas would have to decide whether or not to join Ministerial Burma. In a present moment meeting in Panlong on the 12th February 1947, the Chin, Kachin and Shan agreed to join the future federal union as autonomous communities. However, the Karen, Karenni, Rakhine (or Arakanese) and the Mon did not sign the Panglong agreement, which seriously challenged its credibility. To this day, conference between the Burman majority and ethnic minority groups is a rare and difficult proposition.As expected, the AFPFL won the elections, and Aung San was put in charge of writing the constitution, which espoused unity in diversity that could only be achieved by a federal system. His assassination in July 1947, as well as the deaths of other officials, left Burma without the means to postd ate the democratisation process. And so, the declaration of Burmas independence from the Commonwealth on the 4th January 1948 did not prevent the hope of national unity to fall apart. After the Japanese occupation during World War II, the country gained independence from the British in 1948.191.2 Myanmar and its Ethnic DiversityWith its estimated population of 50 million, Burma is one of the most ethnically diverse countries in the world. Due its central location, settlers from many different backgrounds have migrated to Burma. Today about two thirds of the population is Burman (Bamar) and the remaining one-thirds are ethnic minorities. This ethnically diversity is more than ever a critical issue and thus the ground of most of the countrys problems.Largely due to the fact that throughout history, Burma has experienced a great distinguish of inter-ethnic mingling.20Discussions about ethnicity are related to terms, such as nationalities and national races, referring back to the cours e which was introduced into Myanmar during the colonial era and became concretised with the countrys independence in 1948 when various constitutional models for multiethnic states were being discussed. The examples of Yugoslavia, Stalinist Russia, and the United Kingdom were considered as alternatives for Myanmar. It started in the 1930s when ideas of socialist and Marxist concepts had been introduced into Myanmar which took power in 1948 as the essence of the critique of British imperialism and colonial rule. The disproportionate wealth that European and Asian foreigners had gained during the colonial period, creating a situation where the Burmese were poor people in their own rich land, meant that the remotion of alien economic domination became a key goal of nationalist policy.21The 1974 constitution, which is now being revised, divided Burma into seven ethnic states- the Rakhine, Shan, Mon, Chin, Kayin, Kayah (formerly Karenni) and Kachin and seven divisions, where ethnic Burm an people held the majority.22 Furthermore, the military junta distinguishes 135 sub-ethnic groups among the seven major ones. According to Analysist and social scientists the s can be distributed as following Bamah 65%, Karen 9%, Shan 7% , Chin 2%, smaller groups like the Mon, Kachin and Wa at 1% each, and Indian 7% at least.23Due this huge ethnic diversity, locked into this small geographic zone, over hundreds of different dialects and languages have been identified. Most of the people would not be aware of such classification, if the countries military junta would not use this nomenclature for preferential purposes. Ethnic minority groups are not excluded in cities populated by Burmans, but with the juntas assimilation into the Burmese Buddhist system, called Burmanization, they are faced severe discriminations, such as the deny of social, cultural and religious rights of ethnic minorities.24Moreover, with its xenophobia and oppressions against minorities, the military rule is re sponsible for the eclipse of huge parts of the peoples history. Minorities culturally and racially different from the high-and-mighty Burmans have been uprooted from their localities under the pretext of being Kula, non- natives, or even outright foreigners. In a multiethnic country like Myanmar, instead of following the democratic policy of unity and diversity, the military junta uses Burmanization as a guide and prosecutes the minorities, renames places, destroys minority places and replaces them with their ethnic names. The discrimination of minorities is reinforced by religious consideration, oddly Christians, Hindus and to a higher(prenominal) place all Muslims communities are often target of many human rights abuses.Christianity is often associated with the Chin, Kachin and Karen, Hinduism with Indians, and the Islam, accounting for about 13% of the population, is mainly represented in Arakanese, Indian and Pakistanis communities. They often have no access to certain jobs, mainly in administration and in the army. Those who live in the remote zones are subjected to atrocities committed by unleashed military groups. The juntas propaganda portrayed ethnic minorities as trouble makers, and ordinary Burmans, besides the Tatmadaw, progressively share this view. Most popular targets of discrimination are the Royhingas, who are Muslims in faith and live in the Mon-State, bordering to Bangladesh.25One party, one blood, one voice and one command was already the slogan of the Dobama movement, a motto which still lives on in the Burmese armed forces, the Tatmadaw.26 Nevertheless, given the fact that Burma is struggling with ethnically and political problems it may be impossible to build unity with such a slogan, especially when 40% of the population is not seen as part of the Burmese society.1.3 Post Colonial EraThe country has been ruled by military dictatorship since 1962, when usual Ne Win seized power from the Prime Minister U Nu. Only between 1974 and 198 8 there is the expulsion of a period of one party rule. Ne Win introduced the Burmese Way to Socialism, which systematically referred to the decent of a country which had a 90 percent literacy rate and was rich in inbred resources. Together with its regime, he dismantled the independent judiciary, the legislature, the multiparty system and finally cut Burma off from the outside world. This regime has been engaged in military operations against the communist Party of Burma and various ethnic minorities fighting for autonomy or independence from the central government, which has traditionally been dominated by ethnic Burmans.27The current executive body, the State Peace and Development Council is a group of a dozen high-ranking soldiers. On state and division level, military Regional Commanders enjoy a peculiar(a) autonomy granted by the regime. On township and colonisation level, local Peace and Development Councils exist. In the cease-fire areas, ethnic leaders determine and i mplement policies, depending on the degree of their autonomy vis--vis the Regional Commanders and SPDC. Although the system of government seems centralised, from the outside world, in reality, it is highly fragmented, with opaque decision making procedures and means of institution.28The military is entrenched in every instant and institution of the state, including the Union Presidency, the Union Government, the Union Assembly and the Regional or State Assemblies. The constitution is fleshed out with repetitions and irrelevant provisions. In many respects the constitution is vague and confusing and open to conflicting interpretations. The military is above the constitution and above the law. The Chief of staff of the Defence Forces is the most powerful person under the constitution. His appointment and removal are not referred to the constitution. It is anticipated that he will be beyond the control of a civilian government. The Chief of staff of the Defence Forces and the military are regulated by the militarys own regulations, which enables them to override the constitution and serves as a justification for the military regime to stay in power. The President appoints the Chief Minister for each state and region. A partially elected Legislative Assembly is also established in each state and region.29The military regime, then under the name of State Law and Order Restoration Council, seized power in 1988. In August, widespread popular riots against the military regime, which were initiated by university students in Rangoon, were brutally suppressed and thousands were killed. People took to the streets and demanded an end to decades of military dictatorship and international isolation. The protests have been rumbling on for months, starting with students at the select Rangoon Institute for Technology, spreading through the sprawling capital and then upcountry. The price of food skyrocketed, and a mood of opportunity and imminent upheaval fused with long-pent-u p anger and resentment against the authorities. In 1990 the SLORC held elections for a multiparty parliament. The NLD as the main political movement under the leadership of Mrs Aung San Suu Kyi won 82% of the seats in the National Assembly. However, the results of the elections were never recognised by the military regime which maintained power. The military refused to step down and since then have kept tight control of the country. Aung San Suu Kyi has been under house arrest most of the time and only the leadership and the army have benefited from self-imposed and external isolation.30In October 1992 the SLORC formed the Commission for National Convention in order to draft fundamental principles of constitution. These principles underscoring six major pointsSolidarity of the Union for MyanmarSolidarity of the national unityPerpetuation of national sovereigntyDevelopment of parliamentary democracyDevelopment of justice, freedom and equality in the political arenaThe participation o f Tatmadaw in the future states national politics.To determine these basic principles above, the SLORC convoked National Convention for Myanmars new constitution in August 1993.31 The convention assembled less than 15% of the representatives elected in 1990 and the principles which were discussed had to conform to the objectives of the convention, pre-defined by the SLORC. Western States have passed many resolutions to encourage the junta to give a timetable for the convention. But so far, there is no clear sign of its near conclusion, and the NLD, which has left the Convention in 1995 due to undemocratic procedures, has been criminalise permanently from the convention by the SLORC. The SLORC was officially dissolved on 15 November 1997, reformulating itself as the State Peace and Development Council.322. upstart DevelopmentDuring the last four decades the regime has been effectively functioned under self-imposed isolation in an attempt to revitalise the ailing economy and avert p opular pressure for political reform. To do so the regime operates without any respect of humans basic freedoms and rights. It is in particular the absence of an effective judicial system, and with that the fact that rule of law is not guaranteed by any means, which makes a transition to democracy incessant. The military junta keeps all media under tight control and limits the development of civil society. Torture and extra-judicial executions as well as forced labour also remain widespread measures in the regimes fight against political opponents and certain ethnic groups. By that, forced village relocations and armed resistance of especially Karen and Shan populations continue to cause internal displacement and a refugee influx in particular into Thailand.33The lack of good economic governance has led to widespread poverty among Myanmars population, structural un- and underemployment as well as under-funded health and education systems. Engagement of the international donor commun ity remains particular due to the countrys political situation. It is also worrying that the junta spends high percentage of its budget for military hardware as opposed to the few resources spend for public health and education. Concerns by the international community are aggravated by the widespread corruption inside the country as well as the pebble-grained distribution of opportunities in urban and rural areas. So far, military rulers have been resisted external demands to turn over power to a democratic government and it seems that pressure from the international community has been mainly failed. Obviously it could not prevent the junta to seek almost total autonomy, although it seems that the present regime has opened up the country to some extent. However, the regime remains suspicious of and resistant to external criticism and interference.This chapter seeks to present the countrys recent development on the economic and political front. It shows Myanmar from the perspective of the international community. Moreover, it will provide a deeper understanding in Myanmars economic structure and thus gives a basic background to understand how EU measures affect the country.2.1 Myanmars Recent Economic Development-An AnalysisWith a real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of 4.0 per cent in 2008, Myanmar is one of the poorest nations in the world.34 Today, Myanmars economy is based on agriculture, gems, whole step and oil. Although, the country is rich in natural resources, it has only weak linkages to the global economy. Over the past four decades, deep structural problems caused by the military-inspired policies and the absence of any rational economic and developmental strategies have led to diminishing living standards and widespread poverty among the general population in Myanmar. Political repression and impoverishment have drastically reduced the ability of communities to handle political or social change.35To give an economic overview and analysis of Myanmar , the focus in this section will be on macroeconomic indicators, such as GDP growth, exports and imports, inflation, investment and interest rates. Economic data, including s on foreign debt and investment are scarce. Data from the states look for Centre are mostly inaccurate or distorted. This can be explained partly through the fact that the SPDC are noted to be using elder methods of calculating some key indicators, which are therefore difficult to compare to data used by most other nations today. For instance, the IMF suggests that official s used are significantly overestimated.36GDP GrowthAccording to the IMF, over the period 1997/98-2007/08, GDP growth has remained at an annual average of around 5 per cent, with the exception of 2003/04 when the banking system belatedly to fall out of the Asian Markets Crisis of 1997. The annual growth of 5 per cent would be considered quite healthy in comparison to regional GDP growth, were it not for the rampant inflation in the country, which dramatically undermines any gains made. To clarify, any additional GDP revenues would be swallowed up by the even higher rising costs. The EIU suggests that there has been solid growth in the energy and mining sector as well as significant growth in the service sectors over the last decade.37 This would be somewhat encouraging, were those gains not negated by inflation. Evidence supporting this can be found by looking at the go on poor social development indicators and widespread poverty in the country.38A household survey conducted by UNDP shows that union-wide 32 per cent of the population lie below the poverty line and 10 per cent below the food poverty (i.e. cannot afford to buy food for basic nutritional requirements). This is also well illustrated by the fact that across the union 34.4 per cent of children under 5 years of age suffer from moderate malnutrition.39GDP by SectorAbout 70 per cent of enterprises and firms (small and middle sized businesses) are in private po verty, the remaining 30 per cent (in particular large scaled enterprises) are still possess by the state, which work more often in deficit. The private sector is dominated by business people who are trusted by the government and often employ relatives of senior SPDC members. It has a share more than 90 per cent of the economic performance. However, Myanmars economy is predominantly shaped by agriculture.40 Therefore the rural sector gains approximately 50 per cent of the countrys GDP. An estimated two thirds of all citizens are working as farmers or labourers. Contrary, the industrial sector including natural gas export segment contributes only 20 per cent of GDP and trade and services 36 per cent.41Myanmars economy was fully regulated by the state, but obviously the government is taking approaching steps to liberalize agriculture. Though it has ended some production controls and mandatory procedures as well as allowing to grow rice as a dry-season crop in irrigated areas. Some of the state owned enterprises which are contributing to the processing and supplying inputs of agriculture have been privatized. Myanmar has been one of the major rice exporters in the world until the government banned exports of rice and some other agricultural products to held domestic prices down. Only in 2006, the export ban could relax a bit and eased further in 2007.42GDP by Capita and Purchasing PowerAs the chart below clearly shows, Myanmars GDP per capita in 2006 was, by some significant margin, the lowest in the region. This is partly down to the low levels of annual GDP gained by the economy. This could be attributed to numerous factors, such as poor productivity levels, significant trade restrictions and consequent low levels of trade, poor foreign direct investment and poor taxation collection system.According to the Central light Agency (CIA) and IMF estimates, Myanmar has the lowest GDP per capita at Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) of all neighbouring countries (as show n below). To clarify, PPP is an indicator designed to negate the relative costs of living in the country data and show a comparable income level per person on an equitable basis. Needless to say, the low relative GDP per capita, even at PPP rates shows how low general income levels a

Illegal Immigration in the US

Il heavy Immigration in the USIllegal immigration has always been a controversial topic in the United States. Recently, the snatch of illegal immigrants in the United States exceeded 12 million. More than that, illegal immigrants atomic number 18 part of our society that includes colleagues, students, friends or even relatives. In most cases, illegal immigrants ar portrayed as violent criminals, when in reality Most of them are very poor and mainly from South America and Mexico, seeking only to satiate their relatives in their country of origin families. Now the debate to beget the right to obtain a drivers authorize for undocumented aliens was all over the news -Titles, specially with upcoming presidential elections. accord to Fox News Online, New Mexico, Utah and Washington are the only estates that allow undocumented drivers to possess a drivers clear. By giving a drivers license to an undocumented worker give significantly reduce accidents hit and run, better monitori ng of illegal immigrants and direct our cities. Regardless of their legal consideration, all permanent residents of the United States should be able to tolerate a drivers licenseThe idea of an undocumented alien to get a drivers license may seem unreasonable to some wad. They believe that the issuance of a license forget result in identicalness theft and a nonher(prenominal) criminal activities. According to a recent article, a former officer of Immigration believes that criminals often fool multiple identities, hiding their true identities to escape maculation when they are taken. This is a serious offense and can be not helpful. But the truth is that most undocumented workers who cross the border are not dangerous criminals , in fact , the same article states that It is only a relatively small amount of illegal immigrants who become involved in a serious business . In addition, the subject Immigration Law Center says that immigrants do not come to this country to get a license lead, and they will not leave because they are not eligible for one. Finally, security is of great concern to many police officers who believe that the reason there are so many accidents of life is because undocumented workers are not having driving licenses and insurance of their vehicles, they hunt or flee the scene of the accident, which makes our roads dangerous.Obtaining a drivers license is not as easy in the United States than in other countries. Currently in Mexico, to obtain a drivers license, no written or road tests are required. As the money is paid right so the license will be issued the same day. Most of immigrants come from Mexico. Some of them will become legal permanent residents and eventually get a US drivers license. On the other hand, many others will drive without a license and will illegally stick to in the country. That has a major security concern for many legitimate drivers and pedestrians in the United States. In addition, if an undocumented immi grant is able to obtain a license, then they must pass both a written and road test like everyone else , making them more fit to drive. According to a website that advocates for low-income immigrants, the AAA theme for Traffic Safety said that Unlicensed drivers are almost five times more likely to be in a fatal accident that holders of a logical drivers licenseSome people would say that the license is a privilege, not a law. Yet these same people forget that the license is only allowed to drive a vehicle, not a proof of legal residence and / or paper. To get a job, a drivers license is not enough. A valid green card and a Social Security number is required to apply to any work of minimum prefatory wage. We are Americans and we live in the land of opportunity and freedom. Base driving privileges should not be denied based on citizenship. Each state is different, but straight in the state of Massachusetts, a undocumented drive cannot get a license. On the other hand, the Massach usetts law permits a foreign driving license with their country of origin for one year. The reality is that undocumented immigrants represent about 12 million people in our country, and our economy would be greatly devastated if we suffer all these workers. A new documentary called Food Inc. portrays certain illegal immigrants as hard workers. Work up to 12 hours a day, only to get paid about $ 2.00 an hour. The documentary has predicted that the loss or deportation of all undocumented workers would collapse our economic infrastructure. In addition, our cost of living would be higher. According to National Public Radio in 2005, about 3 percent of undocumented workers are involved in agriculture, 33 percent have jobs in service industries, and a large number can be found in construction and related occupations (16 percent), and in the production, installation and repair (17 percent) .There workers contribute a lot to us agriculture and economy.By giving the right to obtain a license to any resident of the United States, regardless of legal status will benefit our law enforcement in many ways. By obtaining license, the interested candidate will have a photograph and address taken at the time of authorization obtained. This will greatly reduce identity thespian, which makes it easier to track someone if they were to commit a crime. In 2005, the Government Accountability Office cogitate that the database drivers license, are much the same time as the Ministry of database Homeland Security to track immigrants. If we deny licenses to illegal immigrants then we simply increase the pool of state residents who are not in a database to track outstanding warrants , offenders alimony and security threats national. No matter what we do, undocumented immigrants will continue to drive without a license. Why not make our streets a little safer by giving them a license legally. We should put in place several mechanisms to fight against fraud to improve the integrity of a l icense. This will include some safety features and fingerprints.Al in all, Global illegal immigrants obtaining a license will simmer down be a taboo in the United States, because of all the racism and the current paranoia about foreigners who want to take advantage of the system. It just makes sense to give illegals the right to drive. This may not be so easy in the years to come. In 2008, Congress passed a throwaway called the Real ID Act to strengthen the standards for issuing drivers licenses. This act would help block the sale of fraudulent identity such licenses or State ID S driver cards. A real identity card would be a birth certificate, social security number, date of birth, and identification number unique among other stringent requirements. The card would also have added security features such as a bar code, chip or even fingerprints. According to a researcher named CQ, this law states All licenses are valid for federal purposes must comply Real ID in May 2013. Until n ow, till now Seven state legislatures have voted against it and 25 others are considering opposing the bill While the future of real ID act is still very uncertain , it will affect thousands of undocumented workers who wish to obtain a license at the national level .Work citedClark, Stephen. States Revise Rules on Drivers Licenses for Illegal Immigrants as National ID Approaches. Fox News. FOX News Network, 17 Feb. 2011. Web. 17 Nov. 2014.Cutler, Michael W. States Should Not exit Drivers Licenses to Illegal Immigrants.Practical Argument.Ed. Laurie G. Kirszner and Stephen R. Mandell. Boston Bedford/ St Martin, 2011 24-26 Print.Fact Sheet Why Denying Drivers Licenses to Undocumented Immigrants Harms Public Safety and Makes our Communities Less Secure.National Immigration Law Center. Practical Argument. Ed. Laurie G. Kirszner and Stephen R. Mandell. Boston Bedford/ St Martin, 2011 24-26 Print.Clark, Stephen. States Revise Rules on Drivers Licenses for Illegal Immigrants as National ID Approaches.Fox News. FOX News Network, 17 Feb. 2011. Web. 17 Nov. 2014.Katel, Peter. Real Id will the new drivers license law make Americans safer.CQ Researcher.Ed. Colin J. Thomas and Kathy Koch. Washington DC Congressional Quarterly Inc., May 2007, Volume 17 digit 17. Print.

The Meaning Of National Security Politics Essay

The Meaning Of National bail Politics EssayThe growth of the concept of surety in the global scenario is being influenced by the changes in environment. This could be clearly seen in the changes of the record of pledge during the world struggle and the mail service cold war era. In post cold war era, the emergence of new civil conflicts, large-scale atrocities and even genocide ar in incremental rate. As globalization takes shape in the post cold war era, it is strongly believe that it will drag along signifi bumt increment in violent crimes, drug trades, trans discipline terrorism, diseases, environmental degradation and many other aspects of human life. These contemporary tribute concerns couples with the enduring problems of ethnic violence and inter-state conflicts are directly at the forefront of potential and existing threats.3.2 CONCEPTUAL MEANING OF SECURITYSecurity according to Barry Buzan is an under-developed concept (Hawkesworth and Kogan, Vol.246). Its status as a contentious semipolitical value and its habitual misuse as a rationale for state policies and actions, imply that the concept lacks of the intrinsic meaning. Buzan (1991) explains that one and only(a) of the reasons behind the slow conceptual exploitation of certification can be attributed to the fact that the concept defies simple exposition47. A nonher is that power dominates security in the realist school, which has been preeminent in inter field relations theory. Security has always been interpreted as the natural consequence of effective accumulation and exertion of power.Security is intrinsi bawly a relational concept. In an objective sense, it measures the absence of threats to acquired values. In a subjective sense, security measures the absence of fear that such values will be attacked48. Lexical definitions of being secure strike to being safe against attack, impregnable, reliable , on the contrary, and to being untroubled by danger or apprehension on the othe r49. This definition points to the relational (subjective) nature of the concept of security. One should none that the objective physical condition favorable to ones secure existence has meaning hardly when set against the capabilities and intentions of possible adversaries. This also suggests that in that enjoy can be no absolute definition of security.3.3 THE MEANING OF NATIONAL SECURITYThe broadening of the scope of security in the context of the nation-state is a controversial issue. As mentioned, there are scholars who were against the move to broaden the scope and meaning of national security for fear of destroying the analytical utility of the concept. Richard Ullman who initi aloney supported the call to widen the scope of security eventually contradicted his initial proposition and is now engaged in a discourse with the proponents of a broader scope of security. According to Ullman (1995), If national security encompasses all serious and urgent threats to a nation stat e and its citizens, we will eventually find ourselves using a different term when we call to make clear that our subject is the threats that might be posed by the legions force of other states50.In the same article, he said that the war problem in security is conceptually distinct from other concerns like environmental degradation or urban violence, which are better categorized as threats to well-being. The problem of defining national security springs from the fact that the meaning of security itself is ambiguous. More importantly, if one uses the state as the referent, as the term national security suggests, he will then encounter the problem of who defines national interests or set the national security agenda of the state. Some scholars define security or national security as the protection and enhancement of values that the authoritative decision makers deem vital for the survival and well-being of the community51. However, this definition of security carries with it the prob lems that were discussed in the previous section. Although it is true that the politics aggregates the interests of the spate, to define security or national security along this line or define security from spatial relation of the regime is unwarranted. If one agrees that the regime is both a source of threats and a producer of insecurity, then the concept must not be outlined only from this perspective. The values that the authoritative decision makers seek to protect and enhance, which are deemed necessary for the well-being of the community, often do not constitute the national security or interests of the state. Hence, they are better labeled as the national security agenda.National security is a condition open to the assessment and evaluation of both the regime and the people. Whether or not the national security agenda represents the states national interests is some other case in point. The definition of national security interest is relative to the one defining it. On t he other hand, the national security agenda can be defined objectively and easily inferred from the national security policies of the regimen. National Security is better defined as the condition wherein the peoples way of life and institutions, their territorial integrity and sovereignty including their well-being are protected and enhanced52. This definition captures the sum of the state as composed of the people and the regime. It talks about two concerns, that of the peoples interest (well being) and that of the regime (sovereignty).3.4 PILLARS OF NATIONAL SECURITYNational Security rests on several(prenominal) pillars tender glueyness and solidarity, scotch prosperity and stability, political unity and stability. Genuine security cannot be achieved if any of these pillars are absent53. The degree of security, which a terra firma enjoys, depends finally on the strength of the pillars of national security. A country cannot be secure when one of its national security pillar s is tenuous. These three pillars of security are coordinated and mutually reinforcing. Therefore, they must be built simultaneously. The responsibility of building these pillars rest on the people and the government/regime. The government put acrosss the people while the people try support to the government. By analogy, the government serves as the equipment or machinery for building the pillars while the people serve as the laborers, who use the equipment in building the roots of national security. well-disposed Cohesion and StabilityPeaceful and harmonious co-existence among the people, regardless of social and cultural differences, is a foundation of national security54. This is achieved when people observe mutual respect for their values and beliefs. People must also offer cooperation and mutual support. Social cohesion allows consensus building necessary for effective decision-making. With social cohesion, the choices, decisions, and the consequent actions that government undertakes establish on the concerns of the people become effective and persist despite challenges from the outside. Social cohesion embraces concepts such as moral spiritual consensus and cultural cohesiveness.stinting successfulness and StabilityEconomic prosperity enhances the well being of the people. Without economical prosperity, the aspirations of the people to live a decent life cannot be attained. It is only when the country enjoys economic prosperity that people can live with dignity. It is a key element in augmenting national power, prestige, and influence. The development and sustenance of diplomatic and military power intemperately depends on this. Economic prosperity embraces concepts such as ecological balance and sustainable development55.Political Unity and StabilityPolitical unity heart and soul that there is cooperation among the different branches of government. It exists when those who exercise legitimate authority and political power act in concert toward the attainment common goals. When the political leadership is divided, the people are caught in a quandary as to which among those who exercise legitimate authority and political power should they support56. This puts the people in a quandary where they set out reservations and doubts on the policies and actions that the government undertakes. Public support is therefore of the essence(p) to the governments success in meeting security challenges.The social, economic, and political aspects are permanent elements of national security foundations. The customs, traditions, laws, policies shall determine their respective status and quality, and strategies adopted by the government. The three pillars shall be created and shall operate within the context of the prevailing politico-legal organizing ideology of the state. It should be renowned that no single pillar could guarantee security on its own.3.5 THE DNYAMICS OF THE FOUNDATIONS OF NATIONAL SECURITYThe pillars of national security are interrelated and mutually reinforcing. Social cohesion come acrosss economic prosperity and stability. Social divisions and strife (e.g., sectoral or ethno-linguistic conflicts) could retard the nations economic development activities. For instance, policy disagreements between the government and the private sector could eventually affect the welfare of the people and the nations income. Economic prosperity or the level of development of the nations economy and the peoples sense of security has a positive correlation. Citizens of developed countries certainly rule more secure than those of underdeveloped countries. Economic development and prosperity are perhaps the ultimate objective a nation seeks to achieve. Economic development affects social cohesion57. When there is only a small pie available to be divided for the people, equal distribution will create a situation where each(prenominal) of the recipients get a small piece not sufficient for his needs. However, unequal dist ribution will leave others with little or no piece at all. Both situations leave the people dissatisfied.From Indonesias experience, economic instability can undermine the legitimacy of the regime. Barely ten months after the July 2, 1997 financial crisis hit Thailand, the regime of chair Suharto was toppled. Although Indonesia is a relatively rich country in terms of natural resources and has achieved a relatively high economic growth prior the financial crisis, economic instability made the Suharto regime unpopular, which led to its demise58.Economic growth, once attained, does not automatically translate and ensure security. When the fruits of economic growth are not equitably distributed within domestic society, the threat of social unrest remains. Inequity or the rising inequality in the distribution of economic gains creates social divisions that could lead to violence and social anarchy. Political unity refers to a united leadership. Unity among the political leaders from th e different branches of government facilitates fast and effective implementation of policies and programs, which are requisites of a secure nation. It allows government to take firm and decisive steps in addressing the different challenges that the nation faces. It also facilitates the quick delivery of services necessary by the people. Each of the pillars of national security has to be stable and solid. Social cohesion, economic prosperity, and political unity if not stable and solid will not lead to genuine security. Thus, once these pillars have been built, they have to be maintained, protected, and enhanced. These are the basic responsibilities of a state.3.6 BUILDING THE FOUNDATIONS OF NATIONAL SECURITYThe different pillars of national security are not intrinsic to every nation. They have to be built. The responsibility of building the foundations of national security ultimately rests on the people as its ultimate beneficiary, and the duly constituted government, which shall e xercise authority delegated to it by the people59. The regime shall lead the people towards the attainment of national security by formulating prehend policies and strategies, and laws causative to the enhancement and protection of national security interests. The people on the other hand, shall support the government in its security engagements. The government, through the different agencies and toolalities, has the responsibility of formulating appropriate policies, as well as strategies, which will pave way to the realization of the aspirations of the people.3.7 DIPLOMACY AND MILITARYSecurity is a condition or state of affairs, which can be created or attained using the different political instruments such as diplomacy and military. In the literature, three conventional instruments of national power have been identified economic, politico-diplomatic, and military instruments60. The economic instrument refers to the use of economic rewards and/or penalties to influence the poli cies of government leaders or states. This is done through Aid, Trade gustatory modality Status, Trade Embargo, etc. The diplomatic instrument consists of the activities of a countrys diplomats to convince another party or state to comply with the desired policy preferences of the former. The military instrument refers to the outright use or employment of force to get states to comply with the desired policies.In this framework, the instruments of national power include only diplomacy and military. Economic strength is not included in the list. The economic aspect or the level of economic development is identified as a foundation and not as an instrument for the pursuit of national security interests and objectives. The reason being is that economic strength, as an instrument, finds expression in diplomacy (economic punishment or rewards) and a sophisticated military. Japan and the US are both economically prosperous countries, yet their abilities to influence the policies of other states differ. prudence is commonly understood as be only to the realm of foreign relations. This is understandable since, in most cases, diplomacy finds its utility in the conduct of international relations. Under this framework, diplomacy is broadly defined as a means to shape the security environment by influencing policies and/or behavior of political actors, state and non-state actors alike, through an act of persuasion61. This definition extends to actors in the domestic arena and is not limited to international relations. This broader definition of diplomacy does not mean that all acts of persuasion are diplomatic acts. Diplomacy applies only to political entities or groups62.Interstate diplomacy and intrastate diplomacy have the same purpose and utility. The only difference between the two is that in the interstate diplomacy parties involve has mutual acknowledgement of their sovereignties while the opposite is true in the intrastate diplomacy. Example is the peace engagem ent the Philippine government had with the MNLF and the current peace engagement of the government with the MILF.Diplomacy in international relations is an act of one sovereign nation to influence the behaviors or policies of another sovereign nation by means of persuasion. Diplomacy is defined as such a process because one state (object of persuasion) is not subject to the laws the other (persuading state)63. Thus, the former cannot be compelled to behave according to the latters desire. In most cases, persuasion is a function of economic punishment or reward. Thus, effective diplomacy must be back up by economic rewards or economic punishment. This is one reason why the economic aspect is treated as foundation and not as instrument.Military instrument, like diplomacy is a function of economic development. Governments capability to acquire sophisticated military arsenal and build a strong and capable armed force depends on the countrys economic status. The modernization of the nati ons armed force requires the backing of its economic and technological forces, and the modernization level of national defense can only be improved gradually along with the enhancement of the countrys economic strength. Further, a capable armed force complements diplomacy. Often, when one carries a big stick, there is little room for discussion.The effectiveness of military and diplomatic instruments depends heavily on the states economic status. The question of when, how, and against whom these instruments will be used is a matter of choice of the people, as articulated by the government. Political unity and social cohesion, therefore, affects the manner, timing, and the object of the political instruments. The strength and effectiveness of the instruments depends on the strength and stability of the foundations of national security.3.8 NATIONAL SECURITY INSTRUMENTS AND NATIONAL SECURITY FOUNDATIONThe elements of national power include social, politico-diplomatic, economic, and mil itary aspects. Accordingly, national unity (consisting of social cohesion and political unity and solidarity), economic solidarity and strength, diplomatic and military strength and capability of the state are all identified in the literature as instruments, which the state may use in pursuing its national security objectives or interests64. Thus it is deems necessary to separate social cohesion, political unity, solidarity, and economic strength from the list of instruments. Although all of these are instrumental in the states successes or failures in pursuing national interests, it is important that they be distinguished, based on the functions they support.One reason is that the social, political, and economic aspects of security are often developed over a long period. Little can be done, at least in the short run, when the states reserves of mad materials, socio-political structure, and other initiatives require the formulation of a range of policy instruments that are not nor mally available. This distinction between the foundations and instruments of national security is perhaps beaver explained by the words of Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad when he defined security as follows, Security is not just a matter of military capability. National security is inseparable from political stability, economic success, and social harmony. Without these all the guns in the world cannot prevent a country from being overcome by its enemies, whose ambitions can sometimes be fulfilled without firing a single shot65. Political, economy and social stabilities are thus, contributors and essentials to achieve security.3.9 SUMMARYIn summary, in the literature, the people and the state are the only identified two distinct referents of security. This divide between the people and state is unwarranted. As it is, the people are an essential element of the state and that there are two organic/living components of the state government and the people. The regime exercis es authority over the people according to the political-legal ideology adopted by the state.However, there is an analytical utility in distinguishing the regime from the state. The usual equation of the regime with the state makes analysis difficult and the conclusions based on this analysis are often contestable. Sometimes, identified threats to state security are actually threats not to the state but only to the regime. Similarly, the interest of the regime is not equivalent to the interest of the state and the latters interests may in fact serve as threats to the security of the people.National interests composed of the peoples and the regimes interests shall be the responsibility of the state (people and government)66. In the realm of international relations, the state shall be the key actor (state is represented by the government). Although he acknowledges the existence of non-state groupings (i.e., multi-national companies and non-government organizations), he believes that th e government remains the final judge on the demands of these groupings. The interests of these groups shall be included in the aggregation process and shall be included in the security agenda of the state.

Grain of Hope in Breakfast of Champions :: Breakfast of Champions Essays

Grain of Hope in Breakfast of Champions I think I am trying to clear my head of all the junk in there...the flags...Im throwing out characters from my separate books too. Im not going to put on any more puppet shows. This proud exclamation is made in the introduction of Kurt Vonneguts Breakfast of Champions. It caught my attention and drew me to continue reading. The book continues to get by the reader on a bizarre journey through the human mind. Our mental trip is made easier through Vonneguts childlike artwork, which mostly consists of underwear, guns, cows, and other odds and ends. Finishing the introduction I was instantly fed a synapse of the plot. The story follows the mental decline of a rich Pontiac dealer, Dwayne Hoover, and the rise of an unknown lore fiction writer, Kilgore Trout, who is to become one of the most beloved and respected human beings in history. All this is revealed on the first page. In my closed mind, I count on that I already knew the plot, so there was no point in continuing. On a whim, I flipped through the book and saw the picture of a gravestone. On the gravestone was written, Not even the Creator of the universe knew what the man was going to say next-perhaps the man was a better universe in its infancy. For any(prenominal) reason this rather simple line hooked me and so I went back to page one and decided to read a bit more. To be honest, Im glad I did. As soon as I finished the first chapter, I was really hooked. It was one of the few novels I had ever read straight through from beginning to end in one all-night sitting. Ill admit-so far this essay has been more of a narrative telltale(a) of my exploits with this novel, but I felt it necessary to explain a little about my initial feelings. This book is pregnant with symbols. Many of the mechanics of the book (including the chapters) became symbols in Vonneguts hands. The first chapter goes into American culture in depth. It explains that in our country color m eans everything. The sea pirates were white. The people who were already on the continent, who were already living full and imaginative lives, were copper-colored. When slavery was introduced, the slaves were black.

My Antonia Essay: Theme of Separation -- My Antonia Essays

Theme of Separation in My Antonia My Antonia, by Willa Cather, is a news tracing the story of a young man, Jim Burden, and his relationship with a young woman, Antonia Shimerda. Jim narrates the entire story in first person, relating accounts and memories of his childhood with Antonia. He traces his journey to the neon where he and Antonia meet and grow up. Jim looks back on all of his childhood scenes with Antonia with nearly heartbreaking nostalgia. My Antonia, is a book that makes many parallels to the sadness and frailty, but besides the quiet beauty in life, and leaves the reader with a sense of profound sorrow. One of the main ways Cather is able to invoke these emotions in the reader is by the ongoing theme of separation. Willa Cather develops her theme of separation through death, the changing seasons, characters leaving and the process of growing apart. Cather sets the tvirtuoso of the story at the genuinely beginning a young Jim Burdens parents have died leaving hi m to go to Nebraska to live with his grandparents. Right from the start Cather plants the seeds of abandonment, with the finality of death, in Jims life. When he arrives in Nebraska he is very numb to life, but he is soon caught up in daily life on his grandparents farm. He is blissfully happy when he first meets Antonia. They buzz off great friends and share numerous adventures. Cather uses brief, beautifully descriptive and nostalgic recollections of situations and feelings to increase the pain and sadness of the separations that she places throughout the book. An superior example of this is the way Cather builds up to Mr. Shimerdas suicide. Mrs. Cath... ... Mrs. Cathers conservatively drawn parallels in the story that build up to Antonia and Jims separation was a truly effective method of pointing out its tragedy. However she also used early(a) tools, such as imagery and short anecdotes to further convey her message. All together these elements, plus a good story and plo t make My Antonia an excellent all around book, worthy of being called a classic. Professors Comments Underline titles of novels. Using quotes from the book would strengthen your paper. Quotes prove to the reader that you have a valid argument. You hash out imagery in your paper to prove certain points about the separation theme. Direct quotes would have been useful. You attempt to discuss parallelism only on one occasion. This discussion should be expanded.

Othello :: essays research papers

There are many literary works that contain villains who play an essential role in the development of the work as a whole. However, I believe that the ultimate villain of this kind is Iago in Shakespeare&8217s play, Othello. Through manipulation and scheming, he beguiles the other characters of the novel.In the analysis of Iago&8217s character, we find that the square motive for his villainous acts is simply jealousy. Throughout the course of the novel, we are confronted with some of the motives for Iago&8217s jealousy. He believes that Othello has been having an affair with Emilia. He also despises Cassio because of the forwarding he received. One of the means Iago uses to carry out his plan is the use the other characters. Emilia&8217s part in his plot is to steal Desdemona&8217s handkerchief, but she is not aware that she plays such an essential role. Desdemona is also an unwilling and unknowing accomplice in Iago&8217s plan. Her only role is to play on Othello&8217s tragic flaw , jealousy. The greatest use of another character is Iago&8217s usage of Roderigo to finance the enforcement of his plan and to do the &8220dirty work. This is probably the most unprincipled component of his plan. It produces sympathy for the other characters because they are oblivious to Iago&8217s actions and the part they play in the scheme of things. At the same time, it produces a feeling of standoff toward Iago for his scheming and calculating ways.As we choke more familiar with Iago&8217s character, his motives become more apparent. Once we learn of Cassio&8217s promotion, Iago&8217s jealousy and his resentfulness toward Cassio become unmistakable. At the beginning, the motive for Iago&8217s focus on Othello is vague, but later we learn of Iago&8217s belief that Othello has had an affair with Emilia. However, it is the belief of some that Iago had no true motive. The reason behind the entire plot was that he was plain evil.

Major Features of the Vedic Religion :: Papers

Major Features of the Vedic Religion The Vedic Religion is based on the teachings of the Vedas, which signifies the way of living a sin vacate life. The Vedas are the teachings of the religion Hinduism. There are different types of Vedas, each signifying different facts and opinions about the religion. The main text of the Vedic religion is the Rig Veda. The Rig Veda itself contains some(prenominal)what 1,028 hymns of praise to a predominantly male group of deities who seem to personify various powers of nature such as fire, sky and rain. The fact that the hymns demonstrated a strong relationship with the presence of nature illustrates the Aryan feeling towards nature. The Rig Veda mainly concentrates on symbolism rather than mythology. Although the hymns are based on symbolism, it is sometimes possible to gather various mythical themes. Another aspect that is mentioned in the Vedas is the panch mahabhutas. These are the five constituents which makeup life on this planet, they are * Aakash (sky), * Vayu (air), * Agni (fire), * Jal (Water), * Prithvi ( primer). Although the Vedas are truly much alike except in their content of hymns, they all have the same principle, all Hindus should lead a sin free life. Within the Vedic religion, Hindus believe in many gods and goddesses. Some of them are human (e.g. Krishna, Rama , some animals (e.g. fish, monkey, rat, snake), (some animal-humans as in the case of Ganesh who has the head of elephant with trunk and the body of a human), and some others are natural phenomena (e.g. dawn, fire, sun). Their number is generally believed to be 330 million. According to Hindu belief, god incarnates and for example takes the form of human being and other animals and appears in this earth in that form. Gods and goddesses were born like human beings and had wives and children. No god possesses absolute power some of the gods are weaker than each